Corruptie op onderwerp

Informatie is noodzakelijk om goed geïnformeerde beslissingen te nemen. Informatie betekent ook macht. Wanneer het niet publiek toegankelijk is, kan corruptie gedijen en worden mogelijk basale rechten niet gerealiseerd. Mensen kunnen corrupte handelingen achter een muur van geheimhouding verbergen. Diegenen met toegang tot informatie kunnen steekpenningen vragen van diegenen die toegang zoeken. Mensen die recht hebben op gezondheidszorg of onderwijs kan het recht hierop ontzegd worden, omdat ze simpelweg geen toegang hebben tot informatie over hun rechten. Overheden kunnen hun handelingen geheim houden door de media te beheersen of censureren. Hierdoor blijven feiten onderbelicht. De waarheid wordt de mond gesnoerd.

Wanneer ons recht op informatie wordt ontzegd, kunnen we machthebbers en beleidsmakers niet tot de orde roepen of instituties ter verantwoording toepen. Ook kunnen we niet op goede grond een keuze maken wanneer we mogen stemmen.

Wanneer informatie niet publiek toegankelijk is, kunnen we geen gebruik maken van onze rechten, bijvoorbeeld om volledig deel te nemen aan het politieke leven. We kunnen zelfs in sommige omstandigheden niet weten waar we precies recht op hebben. Als de informatie wordt achtergehouden, kunnen we nooit weten wat er precies aan de hand is.

Zeker stellen dat het informatie openbaar maken en wij er toegang tot krijgen, kan ervoor zorgen dat mensen en organisaties corruptie kunnen voorkomen en bestrijden. Maar dit werkt twee kanten op. Overheden moeten informatie over hun handelingen proactief openbaar maken. En wij moeten die informatie gebruiken om op die manier volledig onze rechten te kunnen genieten. We spelen allemaal een belangrijke rol in dit proces.

We moeten verzekeren dat ons nationaal recht publieke toegang tot informatie mogelijk maakt – en dat die wetten ook daadwerkelijk in de praktijk gehandhaafd worden. Deze wetten zijn essentieel om corruptie te voorkomen. Ze maken mogelijk dat wij monitoren wat er gaande is. Dat we kunnen controleren wat de overheid doet. Dit is essentieel, zeker op bepaalde onderwerpen die gevoelig zijn voor corruptie, zoals aanbestedingen, zorg en onderwijs. De afgelopen 15 jaar hebben 90 landen wetten aangenomen op dit onderwerp, maar in veel gevallen is de implementatie nog niet op orde. Miljoenen mensen weten nog steeds niet waar zij recht op hebben, of hoe zij met bepaalde wetgeving hun voordeel kunnen doen. Ook in Nederland is de wetgeving op dit vlak nog niet optimaal.

Wereldwijde anti-corruptie verdragen benadrukken hoe belangrijk het recht op informatie is. Op grond hiervan weten overheden wat hen te doen staat om deze rechten aan hun burgers te garanderen. Het is een kwestie van politieke wil. En wij kunnen hieraan bijdragen door de implementatie hiervan op de voet te volgen en ervoor te zorgen dat we ons recht op informatie hard kunnen maken.

Met enorme contracten en een hoge mate van geheimhouding, neemt de defensie sector een unieke positie in. In 2010 alleen al, heeft de sector uitgaven gedaan die gelijk staan aan het BBP van Rusland of India. Maar hoeveel van dat geld kunnen we eigenlijk volgen? We schatten dat jaarlijks ten minste 20 miljard USD verloren gaat aan corruptie in de defensiesector. Dat is een bescheiden schatting van de kosten die er zijn wanneer nationale veiligheid een voorwendsel wordt om corrupte handelingen te maskeren. Single source contracten, agenten die teveel betaald krijgen en geen verantwoording hoeven af te leggen, geheime posten in de begroting, oneerlijke benoemingen en promoties en vele andere gedaanten van corruptie komen voor in deze geheimzinnige sector, waardoor belastinggeld wordt verspild, en de levens van burgers en militairen op het spel worden gezet. Militairen bestaan om burgers te beschermen, maar de overheid heeft ook de plicht militairen te beschermen, en om dat te doen kopen ze in bij defensie bedrijven. Corruptie echter, komt alleen zij die corrupt zijn ten goede.

Burgers zien corruptie onder de politie als de meest essentiële corruptieproblemen in hun samenleving. Het aannemen van steekpenningen, lukrake arrestaties en het niet doen van gedegen onderzoek naar bepaalde misdrijven is in veel landen een veelvoorkomend probleem. In het verleden is gebleken dat juist dat soort corruptie moeilijk uit te bannen is door het maatschappelijk middenveld.

Hoewel de aard van de defensie sector een bepaalde graad van geheimhouding nodig heeft, kan de sector veel transparanter zijn op het gebied van beleid, begroting en aanbestedingen. Dit is nodig om corruptie een halt toe te roepen. Zou meer openheid echt ten koste gaan van de nationale veiligheid?

Nee. De ervaringen van vele landen vertellen ons dat toegenomen transparantie juist de kracht van de defensie sector vergroot. Het helpt internationale wapenhandel, defensie contracten en veiligheidsdiensten te beschermen tegen corrupte activiteiten en de verwoestende invloed daarvan.

Overheden, de defensie industrie, de strijdkrachten, veiligheidsdiensten en het maatschappelijk middenveld moeten het bestrijden en voorkomen van corruptie gezamenlijk aanpakken. De defensie sector is begonnen met het invoeren van de nodige gedragsregels, maar er is nog een lange weg te gaan. Overheden moeten bedrijven helpen door de juiste standaarden af te dwingen en de juiste procedures in te voeren om corruptie te voorkomen. Anti-corruptie maatregelen moeten doorgevoerd worden in het hele proces, bij zowel de ministeries, als de overheden en contracterende bedrijven. Eerlijkheid en zuiver zaken doen zou het betaalmiddel moeten zijn in de defensie sector.

Hetzelfde geldt voor de aanpak van corruptie onder de politie. De voor de defensie sector ontwikkelde middelen kunnen ook daar toegepast worden. In combinatie met een actief maatschappelijk middenveld dat processen kan monitoren en een onafhankelijke toezichthouder, kan corruptie binnen de politie worden uitgebannen.

Corruption in the water sector is widespread. It damages drinking supplies, sanitation, agriculture, energy and the environment. Achieving the Millennium Development Goal on water and sanitation is a massive task. Corruption wastes billions of dollars in these efforts. It makes water undrinkable, inaccessible and unaffordable. And since dirty water can be deadly, cleaning up the water sector is literally a matter of life and death for millions of people.

Water management, irrigation and dam projects are large, expensive and complex. This makes corruption in procurement and contracts both easy and profitable. Funds for managing water resources can line the pockets of corrupt officials. Big agricultural businesses can pay bribes for access to irrigation systems and groundwater supplies. This deprives smallholders of their livelihoods. Bribery also means that water pollution often goes unpunished.

Corruption keeps people thirsty and ill. It distorts policies and budgets for drinking water and sanitation, making it easy for waterborne diseases to spread. Corruption also affects service delivery and billing. Informal providers – often the only source of water delivery to the poor – can use extortion and bribery. In some developing countries, corruption can add 30-45 per cent to the price of connection to a water network. In such situations, families face a struggle to survive and escape poverty.

It may seem remote but deforestation affects us all. It destroys some of the most beautiful places in the world, the last remaining original pristine forests and their biological diversity. It threatens the livelihoods of millions of people, some of them among the world’s poorest. Globally, it contributes over 20 per cent of annual greenhouse gas emissions, more than the entire transport sector.

The World Bank estimates up to US$23 billion worth of wood is illegally cut each year. This results in lost revenue of US$10 billion. As many of these primal forests are in the developing world, it robs these societies of precious revenue, thwarting development goals and keeping people in poverty. If we want to end poverty and protect the environment, such illegal logging needs to be curbed.

Given that logs are large and need infrastructure to be cut, transported and sold, illegal logging can only survive with the connivance of many people. Thus, corruption plays a key role. Such corruption can be high-level: politicians can decide who gets land concessions, give contracts to friends and relatives, or allow logging without appropriate permits. But even low-level officers can turn a blind eye to trees being cut, or ignore illegal transport.

Corruption also undermines conservation by siphoning off funds meant to protect our forests. Although still under development, there are concerns that the US$29-33 billion per year projected to flow to protect forests could be skimmed by the same corrupt actors.

Climate change is increasing pressure on already scarce global water supplies, while conflict and competition over access to suitable water are now well-established problems. This makes the fight against corruption more urgent than ever. We need to respond at both global and local levels.

We must press governments and international agencies to strengthen the regulation of water management. And to enforce those regulations. By joining international climate control schemes, governments can help safeguard water sources for future generations. Governments and companies must work together. Staff need the right training and resources. Water contracts must be awarded and carried out accountably, and private companies must be pressed to behave more ethically when it comes to water and sanitation. Toward these ends, we work collaboratively with all stakeholders to spread ideas and solutions that reduce corruption risks while improving service delivery.

It’s vital to listen to poor people. They can sense when corruption restricts their access to water, but the complexity of the water and sanitation sectors often makes pinpointing the source of corruption difficult. If communities can express their needs, corruption can be uncovered and blocked. Civil society can help by monitoring water projects, but we need the right information. It must be clear and easily understood, even in specialised areas like hydropower. Then we can check policies, money flows and delivery standards. So corruption can’t taint our most vital resource.

As a first step to curbing corruption-driven activities in the forestry sector, it is important that citizens know what is going on, and understand the corruption risks prevalent in the timber industry and forestry governance. Governments in forest-rich producer countries and those of consumer countries buying forest products both need to work together to stop forest destruction. Officials – from forestry officers to judicial staff, customs agents and government inspectors – need training and education so they have the technical skills to combat corruption and enforce environmental, forestry, transport and trade laws. They must be well trained to identify controlled species and recognise forged certification. Forest preservation programmes need similarly skilled officials to ensure that corruption doesn’t squeeze out conservation efforts.

We must make sure the countries that buy forest products also act. They must prosecute anyone who imports timber but can’t prove its legal origins and they must devise similar regulations to prevent corruption in the forest carbon market.

But all this will only happen if citizens of both the selling and buying countries – those that are losing their birthright and those that are consuming these vital stolen resources – act to pressure their governments and businesses involved in this trade.

Corruption in the health sector can mean the difference between life and death. Poor people are worst affected. Medical staff can charge unofficial fees to attend to patients. They may demand bribes for medication which should be free. Or they may let patients who bribe them queue-jump. Corruption also costs lives when fake or adulterated medications are sold to health services.

Without proper checks from regulators, public health funds can easily disappear. World Bank surveys show that in some countries, up to 80 per cent of non-salary health funds never reach local facilities. Ministers and hospital administrators can siphon millions of dollars from health budgets. Or they can accept bribes. This distorts policy and denies people hospitals, medicines and qualified staff. Stolen funds also hamper efforts to beat major health challenges, such as malaria and HIV/AIDS.

It’s not only developing countries which suffer. Wealthy countries lose millions of dollars each year to insurance fraud and corruption.

Governments need to publish detailed health budgets and financial information that’s easy to understand. Then we can track funds and prevent them from being stolen. Health workers need adequate pay and guarantees that salaries will reach them. This makes them less susceptible to bribes or likely to demand them. Governments need to tackle counterfeit drugs at source. This means cooperation between countries, involving customs, suppliers, medical institutions and the police.

At the local level, we all have an important role to play. We must demand accountability from health professionals and administrators. We can scrutinise clinic or hospital budgets. Or make sure we’re aware of official charges for services – so we and others don’t pay more. We must also demand public consultations over health services. These allow us to participate actively in planning and implementation. Open tender systems and clear procurement processes are also needed. By monitoring these, we can help ensure that health facilities give us the best possible care.

Increasing global demand is driving new oil and gas discoveries. Over the next 20 years, it’s expected that 90 per cent of production will come from developing countries. Yet many countries rich in oil and gas are home to some of the world’s poorest people. How can this happen? Too often, wealth stays in the hands of politicians and industry insiders. Revenues don’t get published. Payments made to governments to exploit resources remain secret. Bribery and embezzlement go unchecked.

Many oil and gas companies protect the identities of their equity holders and subsidiaries. This allows corrupt leaders to hide stolen funds unnoticed. Inadequate financial statements make it easy to disguise corrupt deals, and impossible for any of us to monitor them. Many oil and gas companies don’t publish information country by country. This allows them to hide the royalties, taxes and fees they pay. But without this information, we can’t hold governments to account for the money they receive.

Stolen oil and gas income has terrible consequences. It benefits an elite few. But for everyone else, it fuels conflict over resources. And it traps people in poverty they’d otherwise avoid.

We need to make sure oil and gas companies go further to prevent corruption. They need to be more detailed in their financial reporting – especially at a country level. Then we can track money and hold governments to account for fees and revenue. Companies should also publish details of their subsidiaries and sites where they work, enabling detailed monitoring. They also need to tell us what they’re doing to prevent corruption, so we can see whether it’s enough.

Governments in producer countries also need to be fully open. They must publish income and royalties. National oil companies must meet international accounting standards and publish independently audited accounts. Many leading oil and gas companies are based in developed nations. These nations must punish corrupt activity by their companies abroad. They can help prevent it by requiring companies to report on operations in individual countries.

We must encourage companies to join sector initiatives to promote transparency. If everyone involved in oil and gas is open about their activities, there’ll be less room for corruption. And more money for development.

Education is a fundamental human right and a major driver of human and economic development. It strengthens personal integrity and shapes the societies in which we live. Since education typically comprises 20-30 per cent of a country’s budget, it is critically prone to corruption, from national education ministries to local schools and universities.

The cost of corruption is high. Stolen resources from education budgets mean overcrowded classrooms and crumbling schools, or no schools at all. Books and supplies are sometimes sold instead of being given out freely. Schools and universities also ‘sell’ school places or charge unauthorised fees, forcing students (usually girls) to drop out. Teachers and lecturers are appointed through family connections, without qualifications. Grades can be bought, while teachers force students to pay for tuition outside of class. In higher education, undue government and private sector influence can skew research agendas.

The end result is limited access to – and poor quality of – education, and a social acceptance of corruption through a corrupted education system.

We must demand a commitment to high quality education that’s available to all. For this, we need policy information that’s clear and easy to understand. National, district and school and university budgets need to be published in detail so that we can monitor how resources are allocated. Confidential complaint channels are essential to report suspected corruption without fear of retaliation.

It’s important to have clear regulations controlling education finance and management. These give guidelines on new schools, exam processes and fees. Regular external audits must take place to detect and deter fraud. And frequent school inspections can prevent corruption in teacher management and behaviour. Consistent penalties for abuses are also needed.

No teacher should be appointed without proof of their qualifications and experience. We must also push for exam regulations to be widely published. And we must monitor grading, so students won’t have to buy their way to good marks.

It’s natural to think of elections when we think of political corruption. People or organisations with their own agendas can skew voting. They may secretly give parties big donations. Or parties and candidates can buy votes instead of winning them.

But political corruption isn’t just about election rigging. It can lead politicians in office to steer away from good government. Their decisions can benefit those who fund them. The public interest comes second. Political corruption can divert scarce resources from poor and disadvantaged people. This is especially common in countries where democratic institutions are weak or absent. Private rather than public interests dictate policy.

This means an ethical line has been crossed. Governments can’t act freely and democracy can’t function. Our trust in politicians is damaged. We can turn away from involvement with how we’re governed. Then political corruption continues unchecked.

Political corruption can feel daunting and remote. So can we really do anything about it? If we speak out about how we’re governed, we can.

We need to call on our politicians and public officials to be accountable for their actions. How can we trust them if we don’t know what they’re doing? We must demand that they put in place regulations which will force them to act openly. Then corruption can’t hide. And our trust in the political process will improve. When leaders act transparently, showing us clearly what they do, we can make informed choices when we vote. And we can hold them to account once elected.

From grassroots groups to big organisations, civil society has a crucial role to play. We can monitor electoral campaigns and parties’ activities. If state resources are abused, we must report it. And if regulations to prevent corruption aren’t in place, we must demand them. Rules about politicians’ conflicts of interest, for example. Or regulations to stop corporate lobbying and political funding from distorting the democratic process. If companies publish their donations, they can show their contributions aren’t intended to win favours.

By speaking out, we can show that everyone gains from honest elections and open decision-making. Even politicians.

Hefty fines, damaged reputations and jail sentences – recent scandals prove that corruption in business doesn’t always bring profits. Yet bribery persists. Almost a fifth of executives surveyed by Ernst & Young claimed to have lost business to a competitor who paid bribes. More than a third felt corruption was getting worse.

Corruption distorts markets and creates unfair competition. Companies often pay bribes or rig bids to win public procurement contracts. Many companies hide corrupt acts behind secret subsidiaries and partnerships. Or they seek to influence political decision-making illicitly. Others exploit tax laws, construct cartels or abuse legal loopholes. Private companies have huge influence in many public spheres. These are often crucial – from energy to healthcare. So it’s easy to see how corruption in business harms taxpayers’ interests.

Private sector corruption calls for a three-pronged approach. Firstly, companies can take internal steps to prevent it. They need a zero-tolerance policy towards bribery and corruption. And it must be enforced through specific anti-corruption measures. We’ve collected many tips to help companies develop effective strategies. They’re in our anti-bribery code, Business Principles for Countering Bribery.

But companies also need an honest operating environment. So we must make sure that governments enforce international anti-bribery laws and conventions. This protects companies from corruption across borders and down supply chains.

We need to help make sure these approaches are effective. This means more transparency from everyone involved with markets. Then we can hold businesspeople to account for their actions. We must call on companies and the institutions that regulate them to report their finances and actions openly. This shows staff, investors and consumers that they’re committed to clean business. And it creates the environment of trust that’s most profitable.

Sport is a multi-billion dollar business. It has intricate ties to political and private interests. This means rich opportunities for corruption. Yet across the sporting sector, most deals and decisions take place behind closed doors. This allows corruption to go unchecked and unpunished.

Corruption in sport has many forms. Referees and players can take bribes to fix matches. Club owners can demand kickbacks for player transfers. Companies and governments can rig bids for construction contracts. Organised crime is behind many of the betting scandals that have dented sport’s reputation. And money laundering is widespread. This can take place through sponsorship and advertising arrangements. Or it may be through the purchase of clubs, players and image rights. Complex techniques are used to launder money through football and other sports. These include cross-border transfers, tax havens and front companies.

Much can be done to break the ties between sport and corruption. But we need to get everyone involved to work together. Openness in decisions and policies is vital. Governments must work closely with the international gaming industry and anti-fraud organisations. Then they can follow the money in betting. Sporting organisations can write anti-corruption measures into their constitutions and codes of conduct. And clear regulations and openness in player transfers will protect the employment market. But we must make sure rules are actively enforced.

Open, competitive bidding processes will help prevent corruption when host cities or venues are chosen for sporting events. They’re also essential in bids for major projects, such as building stadiums. Bids need to be monitored to make sure they’re fair. Sponsors can play their part by promoting ethics in sport as part of their corporate responsibility programmes. The media also has the power to raise awareness about corruption in sport. With these changes to the rules of the game, the sector can regain its reputation for fair play.